Black and Asian communities in America today are often portrayed as in conflict with each other. But we have a long history of organizing with each other, too. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, Asian Americans working as immigrant laborers in the United States were often subjected to racial violence. That experience of discrimination created solidarity with the Black community.

今天美国的黑人和亚裔社区经常被描述为相互冲突。但我们也有相互合作的悠久历史。在19世纪和20世纪初，在美国做移民劳工的亚裔美国人经常遭受种族暴力。这种歧视经历使他们与黑人社区团结起来。

In 1869, Frederick Douglass spoke out against restrictions on Chinese immigration. Yuri Kochiyama, a friend and ally of Malcolm X, cradled his bleeding head when he was assassinated in 1965. Jesse Jackson took time away from his presidential bid to protest the killing of Vincent Chin in 1982. These stories of loss, struggle, change and hope are the most powerful tools we have to understand one another and bridge what divides us.

1869年，弗雷德里克·道格拉斯公开反对限制中国移民。1965年马尔科姆·X被暗杀时，他的朋友和盟友河内山百合搂着他流血的头。杰西·杰克逊从总统竞选中抽出时间来抗议1982年陈果仁被杀。这些关于丧失、挣扎、改变和希望的故事是我们相互理解与弥合分歧的最有力工具。

The Asian civil rights movement was inspired in part by the Black civil rights campaigns of the 1960s. It was around this time that the model minority myth emerged, portraying Asian and Pacific Islander Americans as mostly hard-working, well educated and healthy, the artist and activist Betty Yu explained. “The model minority stereotype falsely depicts Asians as a wealthy Ivy League-educated monolith while completely ignoring the economic inequalities that exist to this day,” she said.

亚裔民权运动部分受到1960年代黑人民权运动的启发。艺术家和活动家贝蒂·余（音）解释说，大约在这个时候，模范少数族裔的说法出现了，将亚裔和太平洋岛民描绘成多为勤奋、受过良好教育和健康的人。她说：“模范少数族裔的刻板印象错误地将亚裔描绘成受过常春藤盟校教育的富人群体，完全忽视了至今存在的经济不平等。”

As Americans reckon with racial injustice, police brutality and a spike in anti-Asian attacks, we have an opportunity to relearn our shared history and build on that solidarity.

随着美国人开始反思种族不公、警察暴行和反亚裔袭击事件的激增，我们有机会重新了解我们共同的历史，并在这种团结的基础上再接再厉。

I was living in Taiwan when George Floyd died after being handcuffed and pinned to the ground under a police officer’s knee. I coped by helping to coordinate the Black Lives Matter March in Taipei. It was important to me to stand up for myself and my community and close the metaphorical distance between me and my home.

乔治·弗洛伊德被戴上手铐并被警察用膝盖压在地上后身亡，这一事件发生时我住在台湾。我的应对方式是帮助协调台北的“黑人的命也是命”游行。为我自己和我的社区站出来、拉近我和我的家乡之间象征性的距离，这对我来说很重要。

In New York City, Jeanie Jay Park, the lead organizer of Warriors in the Garden, a collective of nonviolent activists and the founder of Sanitation Nation, a nonprofit youth solidarity collective, was among the thousands marching on the Brooklyn Bridge that summer when a group of young boys approached her and yelled, “Your people killed my people.” They were talking about an officer of Hmong descent who stood by while Mr. Floyd was murdered.

在纽约市，珍妮·杰伊·朴是“花园勇士”的主要组织者，这是一个聚集了非暴力活动人士的组织；她也是非营利性青年团结组织“卫生国度”的创始人。那年夏天，她和数以千计的人一起在布鲁克林大桥上游行时，一群小男孩走近她，大喊：“你的人杀了我的人。”他们说的是在弗洛伊德被谋杀时站在一旁的苗裔美国警官。

“I understood their reaction,” she said. She has since worked to build intersectional solidarity between Black and Asian communities. Coalition building requires having uncomfortable conversations with not just ourselves but also our families in order to dismantle generational colorism and anti-Black sentiment that exists in many Asian cultures, Ms. Park said.

“我理解他们的反应，”她说。此后，她一直致力于在黑人和亚裔社区之间建立交汇的团结。朴女士说，建立联盟不光需要与我们自己进行艰难的对话，还要与我们的家人进行这样的对话，这样才能消除许多亚裔文化中存在的代际肤色歧视和反黑人情绪。

Nupol Kiazolu, the founder of We Protect Us, believes that practicing love, education and patience is the key to fostering unity between Black and Asian communities. “We must be willing to listen to each other with open minds, ears and hearts,” she said.

“我们保护我们”的创始人努波尔·基亚佐卢认为，促进黑人和亚裔社区之间团结的关键在于实践爱、教育和耐心。“我们必须愿意以开放的思想、耳朵和心灵，去倾听彼此，”她说。

Wendy Wang immigrated to the United States in the 1990s. She worked in restaurants around the city, until she was eventually able to open her own restaurant. She’s faced obstacles in the community — someone once shot her husband in the face with a BB gun — but over time she’s built strong relationships with the loyal customers she serves.

温迪·王（音）于1990年代移居美国。她在城市周围的餐馆工作，后来终于开了一家自己的餐馆。她在社区中遇到过困难——有人曾经用BB枪朝她丈夫的脸开枪——但随着时间的推移，她与她所服务的忠实客户建立了紧密的关系。

I come from a family of immigrants, too. My mother is from Vietnam, and my father is from Nigeria. They met and fell in love in Texas, but their families didn’t approve of their union. As a result, my siblings and I didn’t have a relationship with our extended family or with our cultures, for that matter.

我也来自一个移民家庭。我的母亲来自越南，父亲来自尼日利亚。他们在得克萨斯州相遇相爱，但他们的家人不赞成他们的结合。结果，我和我的兄弟姐妹没有与我们的大家族或我们的文化形成关系。

Navigating a mix of identities at times felt complicated. When I’d watch my father’s interactions with law enforcement, I surmised that perhaps one part of my identity could be safer than the other. But the rise in anti-Asian violence has shattered that illusion and reminded me that the shields we hide behind can be dangerously thin.

在多个身份之间游走，这感觉有时很复杂。当我看到父亲与执法部门的互动时，我猜测我身份的一部分可能比另一部分更安全。但反亚裔暴力的兴起打破了这种幻想，并提醒我，我们举在身前的盾牌可能不堪一击。

Social media has been a powerful tool for organizing, but it can also push us into echo chambers. Chelsea Miller, a co-founder of Freedom March NYC and a social impact strategist, believes that challenging rhetorics that divide our communities is a critical step forward. “The reality is, we are all connected,” she said.

社交媒体一直是一种强大的组织工具，但它也可以将我们推入回声室。切尔西·米勒是“自由进军纽约”的联合创始人和社会影响策略师，她认为，向分裂我们社区的言论发起挑战是向前迈出的关键一步。“现实是，我们都是相互关联的，”她说。

I am still striving, and struggling, to carry the weight of being both Black and Asian in this uncertain moment. I feel the push and pull of both sides, but I’m learning to lean into the liminal spaces where my intersectional identity sits. I see that there is nuance, beauty and complexity to be found in that messy middle. Belonging can happen in connections and contradictions and in bridging and breaking. Being in between can be painful but also powerful.

在这个不确定的时刻，我仍在努力并且挣扎，去承担既是黑人又是亚裔的重担。我感觉到双种身份的拉扯，但我正在学习向我的交叉身份所在的边缘空间靠拢。我看到，在那个凌乱的中间地带中，可以找到细微的差别、美丽和复杂性。归属感可能发生在连结和矛盾中，也可能发生在弥合和断裂中。游走于两者之间可能很痛苦，但也很有力量。